The tenure of the interim government led by Professor Dr Muhammad Yunus has become a focal point of national debate, with growing speculation over whether its time is drawing to a close. As law and order continue to deteriorate and political uncertainty deepens due to a lack of coordination, the country finds itself gripped by unrest and confusion—fueling concern among politicians, intellectuals, and the public alike.
Following this backdrop, the question arises: “Is this government nearing the end of its tenure?”
On Wednesday (July 30), Dr Debapriya Bhattacharya, Distinguished Fellow of the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD), commented that it is time to think about the departure of the interim government.
He said, “We must now consider how much legitimacy the next government will give to the interim government’s initiatives. Especially regarding the reforms undertaken, there must be complete transparency. It is time for a clear declaration of the exit policy and accomplishments.”
Following the fall of authoritarian rule through a mass uprising, Chief Adviser of the interim government Dr Muhammad Yunus expressed his hope to build a new inclusive and discrimination-free Bangladesh. But many had concerns about what the shape of this new Bangladesh would be and how it would be implemented. Due to lack of coordination and experience, the interim government gradually became entangled in various controversies.
Interim govt under scrutiny as law and order deteriorate, rise of mob violence
The brutal daylight murder near Mitford Hospital in Dhaka on July 9 sparked nationwide outrage. Questions arose across all strata of society: why has the law and order situation continued to deteriorate even after nearly 11 months under this government? Incidents of murder, rape, extortion, and mob violence have persisted, raising doubts about the government's capability and intent, as expressed by both ordinary citizens and analysts.
Besides the Mitford murder, other incidents like the killing and tendon-severing of a Jubo Dal leader in Khulna, the machete attack on an Imam inside a mosque in Chandpur, and the hacking to death of three individuals—including two brothers—in a Madaripur mosque have spread a deep sense of insecurity. Analysts claim mob violence has emerged as a societal epidemic under this government over the past 11 months, without any visible steps taken by the government or law enforcement to address it. In many cases, mob attacks were announced in advance on social media, yet no visible preventative action followed.
According to human rights organizations, from January to June 2025, at least 141 mob-related violent incidents took place, resulting in 83 deaths. During this time, 89 people were killed in public beatings, including 45 in Dhaka alone. Another 44 died due to political violence. Rape statistics are equally alarming.
According to Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), 330 rape cases occurred in the first six months, including 66 gang rapes, with 22 victims murdered afterward.
A Human Rights Support Society statement highlighted an increase in suppression of free speech, extrajudicial killings, attacks on minorities, journalist repression, attacks on shrines, suppression of workers, and police assaults on protesting teachers and students. Social crimes like mugging, theft, robbery, and extortion have also risen sharply.
Although various political parties have been blamed, the parties themselves blame the government. BNP Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman directly questioned: “Why are the law enforcement agencies sitting idle? Why isn't the government taking action?” BNP Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed said the party has already taken organizational action against around 4,000 activists accused of misconduct and rule violations.
He told Banglanews, “We’re doing what’s necessary. It’s the government’s duty to maintain law and order.”
Analysts say the government has failed to take effective action from the start. Its indifference and political calculations have worsened the situation. Politicization of every incident is seen as emboldening criminals.
Dr Dilara Chowdhury, former professor of political science at Jahangirnagar University, told Banglanews, “Violence under the guise of outrage is unacceptable. But taking these events lightly is also a disregard for the rule of law. The government should have acted strictly much earlier.”
Lack of Coordination and Governance Crisis
Following the recent tragic incident involving a fighter jet crash near Dhaka’s Milestone School & College, where several children were killed or injured, the interim government’s response was seen as poorly coordinated and weak. Analysts noted that the incident not only questioned the government’s capability but also sparked controversy over why military aircraft training was conducted in densely populated areas and who should be held accountable.
Such a large-scale child casualty incident is rare in Bangladesh. Every action the government took afterward raised public concern and triggered wide discussion and criticism.
Analysts noted slow decision-making, lack of effective coordination, and inadequate competence in the government's response. The fragility of the state mechanism in handling major national crises became evident once again. Some political circles believe the incident has further eroded public trust in the government.
Concerns and Questions over Interim Government's Agreement Policies
Political parties have strongly criticized various agreements signed by the interim government, including allowing the UN to set up a Human Rights Commission office in Dhaka and signing a Non-Disclosure Agreement (NDA) with the United States.
Questions also arose over deals concerning the Chattogram port, and the import of wheat and aircraft from the US. The government claims none of these agreements go against the people's interest and that they have a legitimate mandate.
The proposal to grant a humanitarian aid corridor to the UN for Rakhine was initially brought up by the government but was later shelved amid criticism. The government clarified that no such corridor was being discussed or considered.
On the other hand, the UN Human Rights Commission office began operations in Bangladesh on July 18, making it an undeniable reality. However, groups like Hefazat-e-Islam and some left-leaning parties have protested its presence. BNP and NCP have also joined the opposition. BNP Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed said that although the human rights situation in Gaza is worse than in Bangladesh, the UN has no visible presence there. Establishing such an office in Dhaka without political consultation has caused concern.
In addition to LNG import deals—around 500,000 tons annually—new contracts have been signed to import soybean, cotton, and lentils. Starlink has also entered the Bangladeshi market. The most controversial move was signing the NDA with the US during tariff negotiations. As the July 29–30 discussions with USTR failed to reach a favorable conclusion, a 35% tariff on Bangladeshi exports to the US was set to be imposed from August 1.
Presence of an ‘Invisible Government’ Within the Government
On July 23, CPD Distinguished Fellow Debapriya Bhattacharya stated in a roundtable that there appears to be another government operating within the formal one. He said most reform proposals by commissions and committees have not been implemented—even though they could have been executed through administrative orders and were not constitutionally bound. He himself headed the White Paper drafting committee and expressed disappointment over its outcome four months ago.
He said that although Chief Adviser Yunus accepted the White Paper, relevant members of the advisory council did not comply, exposing internal divisions within the government.
Another example of this ‘invisible government’ was the Bangladesh Bank dress code directive during Governor Ahsan Mansur’s foreign trip, which banned women staff from wearing short sleeves, short dresses, and leggings. It threatened disciplinary action for non-compliance. The governor reportedly expressed anger and ordered the withdrawal of the directive immediately upon return.
A further example involved the reversal of a newly formed textbook review committee and the weak government stance on removing graffiti containing the word “Adivasi” (Indigenous). Despite constitutional commitments to pluralism, representation of indigenous and minority communities remains minimal. Recommendations by the Women’s Rights Commission were not implemented, and some quarters demanded its dissolution.
During the 2024 mass uprising, daily wage earners, rickshaw pullers, truck drivers, and garment workers were among the most involved and most killed. But within a year, many factories have closed, leaving thousands unemployed. Rising prices of essentials, especially rice, have worsened their lives. According to the World Bank, 2.6 million people have fallen below the poverty line in the past year.
Meanwhile, a pay commission has been formed to increase salaries for public servants—raising concerns about inflation. Economists questioned this move, saying previous political governments used it for popularity. That an unelected government is now doing the same contradicts the uprising’s goal to reduce inequality. Experts say internal conflict and invisible power structures are blocking reforms and damaging public confidence and national progress.
Political Instability, Accidents, and Election Uncertainty
Amid frequent incidents, new questions arise—are these serving some group’s interests? The Milestone School tragedy followed the Gopalganj violence. Some accused “fascist circles” of inciting student protests. Political leaders claimed defeated pro-Awami League elements infiltrated the demonstrations.
In this context, the interim government held a series of dialogues with political parties. On Tuesday at Jamuna, Chief Adviser Dr Yunus met four parties and stressed anti-fascist unity. Similar calls were made in meetings with various political groups. Though political parties pledged support, analysts argued elections are the only lasting solution.
Analysts believe the Awami League has become active on the ground. As a result, the July force must stay united and active. Even if anti-fascist unity is achieved, conspiracies and violence remain possible. ASK has raised human rights concerns over the Gopalganj incident.
Political parties are also debating how far the government is progressing toward elections to resolve the crisis. Leaders say elections are the only solution. While Dr Yunus often seeks consensus from political leaders following major events, critics argue there’s no actual roadmap for elections.
Parties complain that despite repeated calls, the interim government hasn’t committed to elections. Analysts believe that without the experience of a political government, this uncertainty will persist. The civil society and media have increasingly criticized the government’s inexperience and incompetence. However, the government has directed law enforcement agencies to prepare for an election by December. After Dr Yunus met BNP Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman in London on June 13, it was said that elections could be held in early February 2026 after reforms are completed. The Election Commission also said preparations are underway despite challenges. But politicians and analysts say the government’s actions are still lacking.
Associate Professor Dr Mohammad Saiful Alam Chowdhury of Dhaka University’s Mass Communication and Journalism Department told Banglanews, “Whether an election will take place is known only to Dr Yunus and God. The indicators needed for an election are completely absent. He used to talk about small and large reforms; today, I heard a new term—deep reforms! What next? Only God knows.”
He added, “This government clearly favors one party, effectively making it the ruling party while the others are opposition. When the opposition becomes more powerful than the government in the field, we may see a dangerous situation. If BNP withdraws from the election, insisting on a caretaker setup, then what?”
He recalled how during 1/11, the caretaker government was eventually given an exit route by the Awami League. “Who will offer one now? They’re not even holding elections. Though BNP demanded elections by December, they were forced to agree to February. In this scenario, I doubt elections will happen even in February. Given the law and order situation, I’m not sure the government can manage even one polling station.”
Judicial Independence in Question
Senior lawyers practicing at the Supreme Court have questioned the interim government’s sincerity in ensuring complete judicial independence. They believe judges are now operating in fear and uncertainty, hindering free and fair verdicts.
Interviews with lawyers at the Supreme Court revealed that judges now hesitate, worrying about the consequences of their rulings.
They pointed out that attacks on defendants and lawyers inside courts, public debates over sub judice matters, and allegations of political interference in bail or sentencing are all disrupting judicial processes. What was once confined to political cases now extends to all areas.
At a recent roundtable, senior lawyer Barrister Sara Hossain remarked, “No one in Bangladesh can now say they are beyond fear. There is fear both within and outside the judiciary.”
She added, “Judges worry—if I issue this order, who will criticize me?” Even while issuing rulings, judges are in dilemma, she said.
Controversies around July Movement Leaders
Within just a year of the “July Movement,” numerous allegations have emerged against leaders of affiliated organizations—including extortion, lobbying, fraud, sex scandals, and abuse of power. At the center of these accusations are the Nationalist Citizen Party (NCP), the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, and the Democratic Student Council.
The NCP, which evolved into a political party from the movement, is now seen as close to the government. Yet within a year, its leaders have been implicated in multiple extortion cases. After five individuals were arrested for demanding Tk5 million from a former MP, both student organizations expelled the accused. However, the trend of extortion linked to the movement’s platform has become more evident.
At a discussion held Wednesday (July 30) at the National Press Club, BNP Chairperson’s Adviser Habibur Rahman said, “The students have gone astray. They accuse BNP of extortion, but Jamaat-e-Islami looted the most. NCP, the students’ party, is also looting.” He alleged government funds are being spent on NCP’s marches and demanded that accountability be ensured. He also urged ACC to investigate the party’s funding and vehicles.
Top NCP leaders are accused of sex scandals, flashy shows of power, and opaque lobbying. Gazi Salauddin Tanvir, Joint Member Secretary, was removed over alleged interference in textbook printing and DC appointments. Another leader, Sarjis Alam, drew criticism for showdowns and meeting with the ACC chairman.
From Dhaka to Savar, Feni, Khulna, and Rangpur, there are allegations of extortion, harassment, and impersonation involving NCP and allied groups. In some areas, public backlash led to mob attacks or lawsuits.
Political analysts say the NCP lacks a clear ideological stance beyond opposing the government. Their frequent state security support has also raised concerns. Nurul Haq Nur, president of the Gono Odhikar Parishad, said, “The government is clearly favoring one party, behaving in a biased manner. Many ‘king’s parties’ have risen and disappeared with such support in the past. It is now widely believed that this government is patronizing NCP.”
The party’s internal instability, corruption, and unsteady leadership have cast doubts on its future. The public trust it initially gained has eroded significantly within a year, many believe.
Local Government Adviser and key July Movement coordinator Asif Mahmud Sajib Bhuiyan is also mired in controversy. He faces allegations of manipulating local politics in Muradnagar, harassing rivals with legal cases, and installing relatives in leadership positions. His father, Billal Hossain, is accused of rehabilitating former Awami League leaders and using mobs to harass opponents.
Political Leaders Criticize Government Performance
Leaders of various political parties say doubt and disappointment over the interim government's activities are growing. If the government doesn’t change course now, public distrust around both reform and elections will deepen.
AB Party Chairman Mojibur Rahman Monju said, “The more time passes, the more disappointment grows. If they don’t act carefully and stop becoming increasingly controversial, there will be growing doubts about both reform and elections.”
BNP Standing Committee member Goyeshwar Chandra Roy said, “No one claims this government is operating visibly. Even those in office don’t seem to be working properly. The corruption of the past 17 years continues—possibly worse than before. The longer elections are delayed, the more questions this government will face and new crises may emerge.”
Nurul Haq Nur of Gono Odhikar Parishad gave the harshest criticism, calling the interim government “spineless and the weakest ever.”
Is the Interim Government Following in the Footsteps of the 1/11 Regime?
In 2007, amid political unrest over the formation of the Election Commission and a credible national election, a military-backed caretaker government took power, later known as the 1/11 regime.
The crisis stemmed from the BNP-led government’s failure in 2006 to ensure a fair election and the EC’s controversial role. Though the regime initially promised free elections, it eventually tried to implement its own political agenda—aiming to sideline the two main party leaders and introduce a new leadership.
But due to mass protests, the regime was forced to step down after two years, freeing both leaders and organizing elections. Although democracy was formally restored, the main architects of the regime faced no accountability—some left the country, never to return.
This historical backdrop raises the question—Is the current interim government following the same path as 1/11? Are they trying to implement a secret agenda under the guise of reform? Suppressing dissent, ignoring public opinion, and pushing hidden changes—are these a repeat of 2007? Analysts argue this is the time to reconsider the consequences of past impunity.
